Mr Speaker,
1 I think we have all just heard a brilliant, incisive, clear and erudite speech. On behalf of all my colleagues in MFA, I want to thank Dr Syed Harun for his contribution. I agree completely with you, and the thought did go through my mind that maybe I could just sit down. But it is such a good speech, it deserves a response.
2 The analogy you started off with was that Singapore is a yacht in a sea. Actually, think of a sampan in a typhoon. The world has certainly become far more dangerous, and far more inimical to small states.
3 There are tragic wars going on in Ukraine and in the Middle East with horrendous civilian casualties, and there is an elevated risk of a wider conflagration. We are also witnessing deepening fractures in the global economy, ostensibly in the name of resilience and national security, but really, due to a more fundamental lack of strategic trust between the superpowers.
4 We also see the continued erosion of global norms and global governance as the world makes this transition from a unipolar moment to a multipolar world. This has resulted in clearly, visibly inadequate responses to dealing with global challenges like climate change, pandemics and the challenges and risks of the digital revolution, the biotechnology revolution, and the need for an energy transformation.
5 Domestically, all over the world, we have seen the rise of xenophobia, hyper nationalism, extremism and the bitter polarisation of domestic politics. And this, as you have said, is accelerated by misinformation and social media echo chambers – and this is in all countries. Mr Lee Kuan Yew reminded us – “Singapore has to take the world as it is; it is too small to change it. But we can try to maximise the space we have to manoeuvre among the big trees.”
6 Our national interests and our vulnerabilities have remained unchanged all these decades. We are still a tiny, low-lying city state in the middle of Southeast Asia. We are ‘sea-locked’. The territorial seas of our neighbours enclose us completely. Our absence or our lack of a hinterland also remains an existential fact. And that means Singapore needs to remain open as an existential need. We cannot insulate our people, we cannot build walls.
7 History is not kind to small states. Or to put it more starkly, nobody would care if Singapore disappeared under the waves overnight. There are many other countries and ports that are queuing up to replace the functions that we currently perform. To survive, Singapore has to be exceptional – we have to be smarter, more nimble, more organised, more reliable, and more honest than anybody else.
8 Consequently, Singapore's foreign policy has several fundamental objectives to fulfil. First, to protect our independence, our sovereignty and our territorial integrity. Second, to secure access to essential supplies – water, energy, food; in fact, almost everything we consume – and to keep the air and sea lanes of communication open. Third, to expand economic opportunities for Singaporeans and to maintain our relevance to the world.
9 As a small state, I agree with you, we need to advocate for a rules-based order with full respect for international law, because without that, the risks for small states are exponentially high. We try our best to shape global norms by making common cause with as many partners as possible, on the basis of sovereign equality, mutual respect and mutual benefit.
10 Dr Syed Harun has advised us to double down on our values and principles – completely agree with you – and that we need to speak up whenever and wherever there are transgressions of international law, and this is precisely what we do. We do not take sides; we uphold principles. And we do so consistently, even if that means from time to time having to say no to a superpower or to say no to a long-standing friend.
11 Our consistent application of these principles has allowed us to maintain credibility with the major and the middle powers, and our neighbours. Or to put it another way, I say exactly the same thing in Beijing, where I just came back from, as I say in Washington, New Delhi, Kuala Lumpur or Jakarta. Actually, everybody knows our positions. They know that it is based on a realistic assessment of Singapore's long-term strategic interests and our long-held principles and values. They know that we are not acting on behalf of their rivals, and they also know that Singapore cannot be bullied or bought. Actually, that makes my job easier, because I can say the same thing everywhere, and it does not have to be exactly identical to the positions taken by the superpowers.
12 But the most important point you have made is that foreign policy begins at home, and I completely agree with you. Domestic unity, cohesion and consensus are essential, because without that, we cannot conduct effective foreign policy. And I agree with you that we do need to do far wider engagement of Singaporeans.
13 We cannot treat foreign policy as something esoteric and elite. It is an exercise in which every single citizen first has a right to gain access to an understanding, and to participate in the discussion in the public space. But we also have to arrive at a common position, because Singapore, being diverse and vulnerable, will always be exposed to foreign influence. And way before hostility begins, influence operations to divide us, to create uncertainty, and to erode our resolve will be conducted against us.
14 So, the challenge which we have is we need to engage, to explain, to persuade, and to mobilise, and every Singaporean has to know why we take certain positions in the world. And we need every Singaporean, wherever you live, work, study or travel, to also be our representative. So, in a sense, we are all ambassadors now.
15 But I have already said that we are at risk of external forces dividing us. Just look at some of the recent examples in the last couple of years. For instance, we had to take a categorical position on Russia's invasion of Ukraine. It was a clear violation of the UN Charter, and if the world accepts that a large neighbour, citing ‘historical errors and crazy decisions’, can intervene militarily in the affairs of a smaller neighbour, that is a world which is very dangerous for Singapore.
16 More recently, the appalling human tragedy of the Israel-Hamas conflict has elicited shock, horror, and anger in all of us. We had to take a categorical stand against acts of terror which were committed on the 7th of October, because if someone launched a thousand missiles at Bukit Panjang and an insurgent force in Woodlands, and took 240 Singaporeans hostage, you know that we would have to respond. But even as we asserted the right of self-defence, we also told the Israelis – and some of the MPs were with me when we went to the Arab countries and to Israel – we said that your military response has gone too far. We need an immediate humanitarian ceasefire, and we need the safe and immediate and unconditional release of all hostages. And those of you who accompanied me will know that I said the same thing in Jerusalem, Ramallah, Doha, Cairo, and in Abu Dhabi.
17 We do need to recognise that there may be different interpretations of the origins of these conflicts, or even the desired end state, but the point for Singapore is – do not let this divide and erode our social harmony and cohesion.
18 Looking ahead, this House needs to be psychologically prepared that there are going to be more foreign policy issues in future which are sensitive, prickly and controversial, and to recognise that Singaporeans will have different opinions. But we need to find consensus, we need to find the middle ground, and as you have said, we need to be able to express that credibly on the global stage.
19 So I want to thank you again. Your key points, that foreign policy begins at home, that we need to be consistent overseas, and that Singapore, with all our uniqueness, our diversity and our smallness, can play an outsized role to make this world a little bit safer as we navigate the perilous storms in the next few years ahead. Thank you, Mr Speaker.
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MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS
SINGAPORE
10 SEPTEMBER 2024