His Excellency President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono,
His Excellency Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama,
His Majesty Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah,
His Excellency Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao,
His Excellency Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa,
Excellencies,
Distinguished Guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen
I am delighted to be here this afternoon to attend the Second Bali Democracy Forum.
2It is fitting that we are here in Indonesia today to exchange views on democracy and development, and to develop our perspectives on these issues. Indonesia is the third largest democracy in the world - after India and the United States - and it has been shown here that it is possible for democracy, modernity and Islam to go hand-in-hand in the political development of a society in transition without chaos and violence.
3This year, Indonesia successfully conducted its legislative and presidential elections. At the broader level, this year's elections, taken together with the 1999 and 2004 elections, signify that Indonesians have accepted democratic practices, in all its aspects, as a fact of life.
4I would like to take this opportunity to congratulate President Yudhoyono for his decisive victory and the strong mandate he has received from his people. While voters in other countries opted for change, the Indonesian people voted resolutely for continuity. This reflected their confidence and trust in the President's leadership and vision for Indonesia in these challenging times.
Supporting democracy
5When people rally to the banner of democracy, they do so in the hope that their aspirations will be realised and their grievances alleviated.
6But democracy is not an end in itself. The main challenges and difficulties for democracy often do not come with elections, but usually after governments assume power when they have to deliver on their promises to provide social and economic goods.
7Democracy is also often mistakenly equated with effective governance. Having free and fair elections does not automatically usher in transparent and accountable governments. Political competition, and having multiple checks-and-balances, also do not erase special interests or create efficient governments.
8Democracy, therefore, cannot exist in a vacuum. Democracy by itself cannot deliver growth and development, nor can it automatically bring about free markets or peace and stability. Democracy can only deliver if supported by good governance, effective institutions and feedback mechanisms. Without good governance, the people's grievances and aspirations can only be heard, but never addressed. Without the supporting infrastructure and institutions, frequent changes of governments through elections will not deliver citizens a better life.
9There is no trivial prescription for good governance. But strong institutions, good laws that keep abuses of power in check, and meritocratic systems that tap on the best minds, go some way towards achieving it.
10Singapore is where we are today because of a confluence of many factors: good leadership, political stability, adherence to the rule of law and well-run institutions, and some doses of good fortune along the way.
11Singapore inherited its laws and institutions from the British. We have worked to build on these foundations to establish the rule of law and to build up our legal institutions since independence. The rule of law is critical to Singapore's survival. Singapore depends on economic trade and the provision of services to survive. Without good laws protecting property rights, investments will not be made and our long-term development will be affected. Having good laws are not enough. Laws must be implemented and enforced fairly and consistently in a transparent way. That is why Singapore is always resolute in rooting out and preventing corruption.
12Having a bureaucracy that works is another critical aspect. The Singapore Public Service has served us well since independence. However, going forward, it is not enough to have the right institutions to support democracy, but also the right type of institutions and bureaucracy. Applying the lessons of history more efficiently and effectively will probably not be enough to ensure future success. What has worked in the past may not work well, or worse, might prove detrimental to us, in future.
13This is because the world is changing rapidly as we speak. The unprecedented rise of China and India, with a combined population of 2.3 billion people, will reshape the world in the 21st Century. Their growth will transform the flow of resources, and inject new political and security realities regionally and globally in ways we cannot yet imagine. Climate change is no longer a disputed science, and its impact on economics and agricultural patterns will be huge. The world is also in the midst of a demographic transformation of unprecedented proportions. Some of today's most powerful nations like Japan and Russia would literally age and shrink, while others like India or Indonesia could become tomorrow's engines of global growth if they implement the right policies to capitalise on their demographic dividend. These are just a handful of powerful forces that are shaping our world. We are also becoming increasingly inter-connected.
14Joshua Cooper Ramo, in his book "The Age of the Unthinkable", argues that we are currently in a "revolutionary" era of surprise and innovation and that everyone should learn to think and act like a "revolutionary". Many of the serious threats we face today, from financial crises to terrorism to pandemics, start small, spread fast and are often bred at the intersection of things that look benign until combined. The starkest examples are air travel and terrorism in the 9-11 attacks, and cheap home mortgages and investment banks that led to the latest global financial crisis.
15The challenge, not just for Singapore, is how to prepare ourselves and our institutions to deal with an uncertain and turbulent future. In Singapore, we realise that a business-as-usual approach is no longer tenable. We have adopted a "Whole-of-Government" approach to promote coordination across the different branches of government. This is particularly critical for dealing with the increasingly complex and cross-disciplinary challenges I just described in a coordinated and holistic manner.
16We also realise that it is important for the public sector to constantly innovate services to keep up with the times. It is not enough to study and blindly copy practices from the West or the developed nations, but to constantly adapt good practices to local conditions and contexts. We have, for instance, gone into e-Government in a big way. Today, more than 1600 e-services ranging from providing information and feedback about government policies to applying for passports or paying taxes are available to the public on a 24/7 basis. In other words, governments and institutions need to be able to think about and address potential problems ahead of time, and think of ways to deal with them. Otherwise, governments that lag behind will end up being the underwriters of the worst outcomes, with citizens bearing the brunt of the social and economic costs.
17Effective government and institutions also ensure that people's needs are heard and attended to right down to the local level. As populations become more educated and politically aware, governments today will have to find new and innovative ways of accommodating the rising tide of opinions, and adequately reflect these views in the policy-making process. The New Media, in particular, offers tremendous challenges but also untapped potential. Several of Singapore's Ministers have personal blogs and Facebook accounts to reach out to their supporters and the public, and to receive instantaneous and direct feedback.
18But even as we utilise and capitalise on technology, we have not allowed technology to blindside us into forgetting that people are at the core of what governments do. We have long had something called the "Meet the People" session, where Members of Parliament literally get out on the ground to meet the people, listen to their concerns and address their problems on a weekly basis. This ensures our elected politicians never forget their responsibility is to serve the people who put them in power.
Conclusion
19In the final analysis, democracy is not about letting those who speak the loudest, or those who most successfully pander to the masses, hijack the political agenda. The acid test of any government is not whether it adheres to any political ideology or puritan democratic ideals, but whether it can enhance the welfare of its people.
20For democracy to work, effective, clean and far-sighted institutions are needed to deal with the increasingly complex world we live in. Being an effective government sometimes means having to withstand populist pressures and the lure of immediate political gain. Governments should instead consciously adopt long-term views and pursue practical policies that, while at times initially unpopular, could ultimately bring about greater benefits to the people.
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